The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, toured the Gazan town of Beit Hanoun, where 19 Palestinians were killed on November 8th when Israeli Defence Forces shelled a residential area. The High Commissioner told journalists that an independent, credible and thorough inquiry was needed to determine where responsibility lies for the deaths in Beit Hanoun. Arbour further stated that the lack of accountability for human rights in Gaza has left Palestinians in the territory with a complete sense of abandonment.
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=20669&Cr=Palestin&Cr1=
United Nations Backs Polio Immunizations in Iraq
A UN-backed polio immunization drive is now underway in Iraq after a one-week delay due to security concerns. The goal is to immunize every child under five. This is Iraq’s second polio campaign this year. Iraq is currently polio-free, but a recent global resurgence of the virus has brought a renewed threat to the region. See http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=20610&Cr=iraq&Cr1=
Who’s Got the Title? or, The Remnants of Debellatio in Post-Invasion Iraq
Introduction*
The invasion of Iraq by the British and U.S.-led Coalition forces in March 2003 silently effected debellatio, the ancient doctrine by which a military victor takes title to territory in which the defeated government has ceased to function. The Coalition governments’ failure to recognize it as such and to invoke the attendant legal consequences enabled destructive chaos on the ground and created a troubling precedent for the application of international law to any future exercise of one sovereign state’s authority within the geographical boundaries of another sovereign state. The Coalition forces ostensibly acted pursuant to the international law of occupation, but the legal framework ultimately agreed upon and actually utilized in post-invasion Iraq more closely resembles debellatio. Though this doctrine traditionally is associated with conquest and annexation, it need not be; as updated by modern ideas of self-determination and what I call “sovereign identity,” it is in fact the extant doctrine most consistent with the factual and legal situation caused by the invasion.
In what was perhaps an understandable bid to constrain U.S. and British power, the United Nations labeled the Coalition “occupying powers,” thereby invoking the body of international occupation law traditionally applicable only to foreign authorities assuming “temporary managerial powers” over another sovereign’s territory during which “limited period” the foreign force may not “bring about by itself a valid transfer of authority.” The application of this body of law to the Coalition presence in Iraq was a poor choice, however, given the Coalition’s nation-building aspirations and may have stemmed in part from a perceived unavailability of any other plausible body of international law, given scholarly assertions that debellatio, the international legal doctrine that best fits the factual and legal situations existing after the Coalition’s invasion, was defunct. This Note argues that occupation law is fundamentally inconsistent with the Coalition’s post-invasion exercise of power within Iraq and that, as contextualized within the modern regime of human rights law, a modern doctrine of debellatio much better comports with the Coalition’s authority in post-invasion Iraq.
In Part I of this Note, I explain why occupation law is poorly tailored to nation-building and highlight some of the consequences of its application in Iraq for the occupiers, the occupied, and the evolution of occupation doctrine. In Part II, I make a case for the legal viability of a modern doctrine of debellatio consistent with both the right of a people to self-determination and the idea that sovereignty may not be taken by force. In Part III, I argue that the legal framework under which the Coalition Provisional Authority (“CPA”) actually operated through the chaotic post-invasion phase that created further divisions among the Iraqi people is something more than traditional occupation law but something much less than the ancient tradition of annexation via debellatio; it is a legal framework best supported by a modern doctrine of debellatio that allows the occupier to take contingent, temporary title to the territory in which the vanquished government formerly operated. Finally, in Part IV, I outline the advantages of acknowledging a modern doctrine of debellatio.
* This excerpt does not include citations. To read the entire article, including supporting notes, please download the PDF.
Gambling with the Psyche
Abstract:
Legal action against those accused of committing brutal violations of human rights has flourished in the last decade. Saddam Hussein awaits trial in Iraq. Augusto Pinochet, Chile’s former military leader, has been pursued by European and Chilean prosecuting judges since Spain’s Balthasar Garzón sought his extradition for murder in October 1998. Meanwhile, at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (“ICTY”), Slobodan Milosevic is preparing his defense against charges of genocide and war crimes. Even U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, with other senior officials, has been accused in a privately filed criminal complaint in Germany of being responsible for the torture of prisoners held in Iraq. Such legal actions were almost unimaginable a decade ago.
These are only the most prominent cases. A dozen senior Baathist officials face prosecution by Iraq’s new government. In Argentina, a 2001 court ruling abrogated laws giving immunity to military officers who oversaw andparticipated in the kidnapping and secret execution (“disappearance”) of as many as 30,000 people between 1976 and 1983. Two years later, Argentina’s parliament annulled the laws, mooting a pending appeal and reversing nearly two decades of hostility by the country’s elected leaders to criminal prosecution of perpetrators of atrocities during the dictatorship. In 2001, a Belgian jury sentenced four Rwandans to prison for participating in the 1994 genocide of Tutsis and moderate Hutus. Victims of Chadian dictator-turned expatriate Hissène Habré brought a criminal complaint against him in Senegal in January 1999, alleging torture, barbarous acts, and crimes against humanity. While the case was dismissed, it opened up new possibilities for calling Habré to legal account in Chad, as the Pinochet case had in Chile.
In addition to national courts, international criminal tribunals have recently become important forums for human rights cases. The prosecutor of the new International Criminal Court (“ICC”), veteran Argentine human rights lawyer Luis Moreno Ocampo, is investigating atrocities in Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Sudan. The ICTY and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (“ICTR”) have imprisoned dozens of perpetrators of unspeakable horrors after trials and guilty pleas11 and have delivered groundbreaking judgments advancing international law. “Hybrid” courts with varying degrees of international involvement and independence from national court systems are prosecuting perpetrators of human rights violations in East Timor, Kosovo, and Sierra Leone.